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Protests in Venezuela: Opposition Leaders in Control?


Why is Henrique Capriles Radonski, the opposition presidential candidate who almost took away the presidency from the Bolivarian Socialists, not leading the mass demonstrations as one would think? Who are these anti-democratic right wing elites paving the way for “justice?”

First off, Mr. Capriles has direct experience in calling for protests against the Maduro led government. After he lost the presidential election last April, he called on his supporters to lead mass demonstrations in protest of what he described as an election “full of irregularities” and demanded a recount. The protests led to violent clashes between pro and anti government supporters leaving 10 dead, all Chavistas. Reflecting on what had transpired, he later admitted that this was the wrong way to express dissatisfaction with a particular outcome. Secondly, Capriles is currently the governor of Miranda, the state that houses the capital city of Caracas, and a position that holds significant power. Leopoldo Lopez and his crew of agitators don’t stand to lose nearly as much as Capriles would, if this ends up becoming another failed attempt against the government. And lastly, the governor of Miranda knows that if he wants to keep his place in Venezuelan politics he must be regarded as a level minded moderate. He saw impressive returns, when he decided to redirect and change his political stance, from the right wing, neo-liberal policies that got him destroyed against Chavez, to the centre-right, Brazilian like social policies that got him inches away from capturing the presidency.

Capriles’s disapproval of the violence and social disruptiveness has kept him out of the spotlight for the moment, but he still continues to strongly oppose the government, and support the protestor’s demands. His Primera Justicia counterparts however, do not share this political stance. These more extreme elements of the opposition are shoving their chips all in.

Leopoldo Lopez, and those around him, mostly come from the elite class of Venezuelans who are usually educated abroad, come from prominent families, and have strong political and economic ties. Harvard-educated, a descendant of the first president of Venezuela (Cristobal Mendoza), and an extended family of politicians and financial elites, Lopez was one of the lead orchestrators of the protests against Chavez in the 2002 coup d’état attempt. His representation of the traditional privileged class follows the stereotype of corruption, deceit, and self interested goals. After getting elected Mayor of Chacao (richest district in Caracas) in 2000, and re-elected in 2004, Lopez was forced to resign because of corruption charges. This included Lopez’s mother, the general manager of public affairs for PDVSA -- Petroleos de Venezuela S.A. (Venezuela’s state run oil and natural gas company), funneling money to Primera Justicia.

Maria Machado another prominent opposition leader, lawyer and community organizer, also had to resign in the midst of a corruption scandal. Sumate, a vote-monitoring organization Machado founded, received funds from American NGO’s (Non-Governmental Organization), specifically the NED (National Endowment for Democracy), to finance political activities, which is illegal.

With their vast outreach of political and economic power, the opposition leaders advocate democratic ideals: justice, accountability, and grassroots movements on the frontlines of the protests. Their ambitious, yet vague demands on the current regime, do not provide any legitimate alternative. They would employ neo-liberal economic policies familiar to those that left poverty above 60% in the 90s before Chavez. Lacking any sort of plan, or track record of success, they present no concrete evidence to gain credibility. They now stand with thousands of Venezuelans as if they were legitimate adversaries, demanding regime change.
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