In my four-part analysis, I intend to discover the
underpinnings of the Venezuelan protests by constructing an argument based on
broad historical context, revealing those calling the shots, understanding the
economic and social struggles, and recognizing what the media has failed to
report.
As of February 12th, growing bodies of
Venezuelans have participated in anti-government demonstrations throughout the
country. Arising from what usually is a celebration of independence and unity,
frustrated opposition groups saw an opportunity to gather and protest their
government on the 200th anniversary of the battle of La
Victoria. The initial marching, singing, and pot banging fed into an already
tense and anxious populace facing product scarcity, high inflation and
insecurity, rapidly degraded into violence.
The protest has claimed at least 16 lives, and several dozen
more injured. Making its way to Caracas and other large cities, the opposition
led street demonstrations began in Aragua, Lara, Tachira, and Merida. The
violence included Molotov cocktails, burning trash, blocking major highways,
and vandalizing buses. Security forces have shot rubber bullets and used tear
gas to restrain the uncontrollable demonstrations.
Leopoldo Lopez, a representative of the opposition party Primera Justicia and founder of Voluntad Popular, emerged as the anti-government voice and protest advocate, along
with prominent right wing political figures Maria Machado and Antonio Ledezma.
President Nicholas Maduro’s administration responded to the
demonstrations by calling for government supporters to mobilize and
demonstrate. In his Chavez-esque tone, Maduro denounced the right wing
factions, condemned the violence, and revealed the foreign financiers that had
infiltrated his countries public universities. Despite what the media tries to
portray as a simple David vs. Goliath battle through photographic and video
imagery, the broad historical and current events leading up to protest provide
necessary context. Those benefiting from regime change when examined shed
light on much needed inferences to understand what’s going on.
President Maduro and his cabinet have been in power a little
over a year since the death of former president Hugo Chavez. After becoming
interim president, President Maduro was democratically elected over his
opponent Henrique Capriles Radonski in April by a slim margin. The close
election however, overshadows the fact that over the last 15 years the
Bolivarian Revolution has won 18 out of last 19 major elections. The political
domination has led the opposition to use undemocratic processes in the past,
2002 coup attempt, 2004 referendum, and 2005 boycott of parliamentary
elections. Unsurprisingly, the desperation has increased because of their
unsuccessful bids for control, putting further pressure on the media, the
ruling/privileged class, foreign actors, and social forces to try to internally
disrupt the Chavista Movement.
With what seems to be promising opportunities for the
opposition, four elections in the last two years, economic struggles, and
Chavez’s death, strong opposition candidates have failed to capitalize. This
past December the Bolivarian Revolutionaries won majorities in the municipal
elections, a huge blow to the opposition. The opposition’s long losing streak
doesn’t take away from their financing power, political will, or foreign
support, only limiting their chances in participating in legitimate democratic
processes. Leopoldo Lopez, Maria Machado, and Antonio Ledezma have all been a
part of the undemocratic attempts to challenge Chavez’s government, as they are
now trying to do with the protests against Maduro’s.
Taking advantage of student mobilization, the U. S. State
Department, media bias and insecurity, the opposition has managed to bring
about massive protests. But who are they really?
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